All posts by rafiziramli

Ekonomi & Kewangan

The MRT: Old Habit Dies Hard

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Malaysia is a nation in haste. It is in our habit that we rush things, more often than not paying the price of the rushed decisions later down the road. Even when I was still an accountant managing finance operations, I always lamented our society’s obsession with speed at the expense of quality and thoroughness. Luckily we are such a rich country that we can still afford the price for the mistakes done due to the rushed decisions. For how long we can do this is anybody’s guess.

Of all the mega projects recently announced by the government recently, the mass rapid transit (MRT) is undoubtedly the project with the highest financial, social and economic impact. With an initial price tag of RM36 billion, it is expected to lessen the public transport woes in the Klang Valley considerably when it becomes fully operational in 2017. Malaysians have long called for an integrated public transport system in the Klang Valley to alleviate the traffic problems, so when the project was announced naturally it was received with a cautious sigh of relief.

It is unfortunate that the failure to present a solution to lessen the public transport woes sooner is now used as an excuse to hasten the decision making on the project, especially when we are looking at a financial commitment of epic proportion (by the national standard). It is deja vu all over again, with the government rushing the decision and project.

For a start, the RM36 billion price tag is not only high (which in itself is an under-statement) but is suspect. There has not been a full disclosure of the breakdown of the cost or the extent of future financial commitments to be borne by the public. It is difficult to ascertain whether the initial statements issued by the government on the nature of financing required for the project was intentional or resulted from a mix-up. Whatever it was, it was initially implied that the MRT project, as one of the entry points projects, will be funded substantially by the private sector only to find out later on that the funding will come from public funds.

In a way, the announcement to award the right to design, develop and construct the MRT system to Gamuda-MMC without a tendering exercise was met with a docile public response. This is expected as the public was under the impression that the project would be funded privately by Gamuda-MMC.

Unfortunately, details emerged later that the MRT project would utilise public funds after all under a hybrid arrangement where Gamuda-MMC will be appointed as the project delivery partner. The government explained that the risk for cost overruns and delays will be borne by Gamuda-MMC, as if that will make up for the absence of an open tender process promised earlier.

My discomfort with the recent developments on the project is not only confined to the manner Gamuda-MMC was given the project on a silver platter (after all, you get used to it after a while), but more so on the price tag quoted.

I was made to understand that Gamuda-MMC had spent millions of ringgit to complete the study and engineering design of the proposed MRT project. It went to the government with the engineering design and it is this design that was adopted in full by the government under this project delivery partnership (PDP) arrangement. The price tag of RM36 billion is therefore a result of a study and engineering design commissioned and directed by Gamuda-MMC.

Under the PDP arrangement, Gamuda-MMC will act as a project management consultant (PMC) and a turnkey contractor to deliver the project. This will give it substantial influence and power to award packages to subcontractors, while the full financing will come entirely from the public funds.

Let’s go through a few hypothetical scenarios.

How sure are we that the RM36 billion price tag for the construction (excluding rolling stocks and several other packages) are not inflated to build in the financial buffer and to mitigate the risk for Gamuda-MMC? What guarantee do we have that an army of value engineering experts and quantity surveyors have been employed by the government to comb through the proposal and engineering design to ensure it brings the best value for money for the public?

Are we certain that the RM36 billion is the full cost of the project, or only for a few packages of the project? If the RM36 billion only covers the cost for a few packages, what is the full sum of the project?

What is the development concept for the MRT stations? While the government is expected to acquire the land necessary and pay compensation accordingly using the public funds, who will own the MRT stations and the prime land surrounding each MRT station? If each station development is going to be awarded separately, will the government award each station and the land bank around the station to the highest bidder?

How can we ensure transparency and avoid a conflict of interest when the PDP (Gamuda-MMC) is expected to be the leading bidder for the underground package?

Even if a proper tendering process is instituted, what guarantee do we have that the public pays for the bare minimum that it requires for a satisfactory and integrated public transport system not an overblown project that is designed and implemented with the developers’ need in mind, because the public had given Gamuda-MMC the blank cheque.

In all of this, what is the role of the Land Public Transport Commission (SPAD) and how can it ensure that we pay the right price for the MRT system that we are building? Will the cost balloon to RM50 billion by the time the project is completed?

And there will be intense competition to grab the stations most strategically located and the landbank surrounding them, most of which will be decided by way of direct negotiations. In 10 years’ time, Malaysia’s public debt level would have hit the 60% mark (out of GDP) for the first time due to the large debts including funds taken to finance the MRT. In addition, the existing light rail transit and monorail systems continue to make losses each year and consume public funds.

The country’s award and running of the LRT and monorail services was a bad experience because it was not well planned and thought out and now we are rushing the MRT project. We might land up with the same problem in the future.

The questions pose need to be answered thoroughly to avoid the country falling into a deeper abyss of debts. The public must not be blinded by the yearning for a fully integrated transport system that we fail to exercise vigilance.

Rafizi Ramli is chief executive of the Selangor Economic Advisory Office.

This article appeared in The Edge Financial Daily, January 25, 2011.

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Pengajaran Berjuang: Dari penampal poster ke YDP PAS

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(cross post dari laman web Keadilan Kemaman)

Untuk renungan semua pejuang kebenaran di seluruh Malaysia – kalau namanya perjuangan, maknanya susah! Perkara paling sukar untuk menggiatkan mana-mana cabang Keadilan adalah mewujudkan semangat kental yang tinggi untuk melepasi halangan pertama, iaitu membuka minda bahawa kita boleh mengatasi pelbagai kekangan kewangan dan lojistik.

Memang mudah untuk memilih untuk berserah kepada takdir, tetapi kalau kita belajar dari rakan kita PAS, kita sepatutnya dapat inspirasi bagaimana kekuatan lojistik, keahlian dan kesepakatan yang mereka ada di Kemaman kini bukannya berlaku sekelip mata. Ia memerlukan usaha dan istiqamah.

Membaca nukilan Haji Subky di bawah membuatkan saya tersenyum, kerana seolah-olah kita di Keadilan Kemaman sekarang pun mengalami pengalaman yang sama. Alhamdulillah sekarang kita ada internet, telefon bimbit, kereta dan lain-lain, jadi mungkin saya tidak akan tersadai di mana-mana sungai ha2!

oleh Subky Abdul Latif

HAJI Ismail Harun yang dikenali Abang We, Yang Dipertua PAS Kawasan Kemaman bercakap dengan isteri saya pada 7 Oktober 2010 tentang satu majlis mengenang tokoh PAS Kemaman pada malam 9 Oktober. Adakah saya dapat datang?

Saya diminta datang kerana saya adalah calon PAS bagi kawasan Parlimen Kemaman dalam Pilihan Raya umum tahun 1982.

Saya pun hadir. Menjelang Maghrib Abang We menelefon saya orang-orang PAS Kemaman minta saya membuat satu pengkisahan ringkas tentang pertandingan saya dalam pilihan raya itu.

Apa yang saya ingat tentang kisah 28 tahun lalu?

Kebanyakan yang bekerja kuat untuk pilihan raya datang bertongkat ke majlis itu malam itu. Rupanya PAS Kawasan Kemaman merayakan ulang tahun Jubli Emas penubuhannya. Sekalian ahli jawatankuasa kawasan sejak penubuhannya 50 tahun dulu hingga ke hari ini dan setiap calon pilihan raya dikenang dan dianugerah tokoh.

Empat bulan menjelang Pilihan Raya Umum itu PAS memutuskan saya menjadi calon Parlimen kawasan Kemaman. Saya tidak kenal sesiapa di Kemaman kecuali keluarga isteri saya yang semuanya Umno.

Tiga bulan sebelum pilihan raya saya tiba ke Kemaman untuk mengenalkan diri dan untuk memulakan kerja-kerja pilihan raya.

Walau PAS kuat di Negeri Terengganu, ia membentuk kerajaan negeri tahun 1959, ia mendapat undi lebih banyak dari Perikatan bagi seluruh Terengganu dalam PRU 1969 tetapi Adun Perikatan lebih ramai, hampir ia membentuk kerajaan semula. Tetapi Kemaman adalah sebuah kawasan Umno di Pantai Timur yang sama kuatnya dengan kawasan-kawasan Umno di pantai barat Semenanjung.

Kemaman kira-kira satu pertiga dari keluasan Negeri Terengganu. Sempadan di sebelah selatan dari Jabor dan Geliga di sempadan Pahang hingga ke pangkal bandar Dungun di utara dan baratnya hingga ke Pasir Raja.

Masa itu cawangan PAS hanya tujuh buah saja. Pusat mengundi lebih banyak dari cawangan. Satu cawangan kira-kira terpaksa bertanggungjawab atas tiga atau empat atau lima pusat mengundi.

Tidak semua cawangan ada pejabat dan tidak semua rumah ketua cawangan ada telefon. Masa itu tidak telefon bimbit seperti sekarang. Tiada email dan internet.

Jika ada perkara perlu yang hendak disampai kepada ketua atau jawatankuasa PAS Cawangan Kemasik, saya dan Ustaz Awang Dagang, ketua PAS Kawasan masa itu terpaksa pergi ke rumah ketua untuk bertemu dengannya yang jarak perjalanan hampir 50 minit. Belum tentu berjumpa orang yang dicari. Jika tidak ditemui terpaksa balik semula ke pekan Kemaman. Terpaksa pergi lagi mencarinya di hari lain.

Di Kampung Pasir Raja terdapat kurang dari 100 pengundi. Calon terpaksa pergi bagi mengadakan satu ceramah. Rombongan PAS Terengganu diketuai oleh Pesuruhjaya PAS Negeri, Tuan Guru Haji Abdul Hadi Awang, Mustafa Ali dan beberapa orang lagi menggunakan dua bot sangkut untuk pergi ke Pasir Raja melalu sungai dari Dungun. Di tempat yang cetek, bot itu terpaksa ditolak. Sehari pergi, sehari menghubungi orang tempatan bagi mengadakan ceramah sebelah malamnya. Sehari pula balik ke Dungun. Untuk mengadakan satu ceramah kepada sekitar 100 pengundi mengambil masa tiga hari.

Selama tiga bulan kempen di Kemaman, saya hanya pergi kira-kira satu per tiga dari lokaliti di kawasan itu. Saya tidak dapat bertemu dengan semua pengundi. Dengan tempoh kempen dua minggu saja, saya tidak dapat memperkenal diri sebagai calon kepada separuh daripada pengundi.

Ramai pemuda yang bekerja untuk calon Umno datang mengambil poster PAS untuk menampalnya secara sukarela. Mereka gantung poster PAS dan poster BN berselang seli pada satu tali.

Pada pilihan raya itu ada seorang pemuda bernama Ismail dan dipanggil We hampir setiap hari datang membuat kerja di pos PAS dan Bukit Mentok di pinggir pekan Chukai.

Biasanya kerjanya mencari batang buluh untuk memasang bendera PAS. Pemuda-pemuda di situ tidak ramai, tetapi We adalah seorang pekerja yang tekun. Setiap kali saya ke situ dia ada.

Dia tidak termasuk dalam seranai orang kuat PAS kawasan kerana dia seorang pekerja biasa dalam PAS. Walaupun dia tidak banyak bercakap dengan calon tetapi saya ingat dia dan namanya.

Pemuda ini dalam tahun 90-an jadi salah seorang kuat PAS kawasan Kemaman dan hari ini dia jadi Yang Dipertua PAS Kawasan. Dalam tahun 1999 dia jadi seorang dari Adun dari kawasan Kemaman.

Sekalipun saya berada tiga bulan saja, sempat pergi ke satu per tiga dari kawasan, tetapi saya dapat kira-kira satu per tiga dari jumlah pengundi. Saya dapat ssekitar 10 ribu dari lebih 30 ribu pengundi.

Itulah kisah ringkas yang dapat saya sampaikan kepada sekitar 5,000 orang yang hadir dalam majlis penyampai anugerah tokoh di Kemasik.

Rafizi Ramli

Reflection: There’s A Personal Side

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I treasure privacy so much that I hardly mix personal life with work. I used to make a rule that as much as possible, I wouldn’t go out for lunch with officemates. My relationship with superiors has always been formal, no matter how hard the superior tried to inject some form of personal friendship. It’s not so much a question of professionalism, but more of a necessary protection for sanity.

Ever since I come to work for Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim and Dato’ Seri Dr Wan Azizah (as a party boss), I have always been formal. Trying to start an informal conversation with me would have been useless, as I very quickly turn back to the formal self (sometimes I wonder whether people feel I was trained by a butler ha ha).

But it was very different today.

I exchanged a few updates and reports with president over BBM and somehow we veered to an area so private and personal to me – the life of the late Adlan Benan Omar.

Kak Wan had had the opportunity to work closely with Ben, during the initial years of Keadilan. Ben was an idealistic young man fresh from Cambridge, with a burden of destiny on his shoulder given his unmatched talent in oratory and history.

I had known Ben since I was 13. We were both debaters in school, so we passed the baton and promise to ensure a long line of good debaters, from one generation to another. We corresponded throughout his time in Abingdon and Cambridge. By the time I was in the UK, I devoted my life to UKEC that Ben helped to found.

Ben and I were two completely different persons at the opposite spectrum of personality, yet we were brought together by the common yearning for change (and adventure).

Since school days, it was always more honourable to live a life of a rebel with a cause. While other people were busy trying to become a head boy, I was more preoccupied with collecting signatures for a petition organised by the Students Union. Ben and I thrived in life as a rebel with a cause.

He had always taken the public face, while I provided the administrative and managerial support to complete a task.

I had contented to play that role forever as he was gifted as a public orator, until he left us prematurely in 2008. The day he died, I knew that my life would be changed forever and I would not finish my career in the corporate world as a chartered accountant. I knew that the only way to do justice to his memory was to become a part of the struggle that he had devoted his life to.

So it was awkward (and yet comforting) to dwell on Ben’s life with Kak Wan, both of us understood the gravity of his talents. There were a lot of “what ifs” questions (eg I wouldn’t have been here if Ben is alive, or I wouldn’t have taken temporary break from the party if Ben had decided to stay on back in 2003) – while it does not change anything, it feels good to dwell nevertheless.

Talking about Ben was perhaps as personal as I can get with party colleagues and activists. Some people ask why I do not drag the whole bunch of my MCKK batchmates who had always followed me in our charity work previously into politics.

Because everyone must have a secluded and private area of our life not dictated or touched by politics.

The corruption and lack of values associated with politics make people feel politicians are not human. Hence you can attack them verbally and psychologically as if they are not human (the way DS Anwar has been).

But we often forget that there’s a personal side of the public face.

And going through such a personal exchange about a friend so dear to both of us; reminds me of the great important lesson in life as a politician – do not lose the personal side of your life and character.

Somehow, I feel Kak Wan and DS Anwar withstand the onslaught directed at them all these years because essentially they retain a very personal side of their public life; that becomes so obvious when you have a common denominator in the form of a memory of Adlan Benan Omar.

Buku Jingga

Pakatan Hanya Perlukan RM19 Bilion Untuk Janji 100 Hari

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Kenyataan Perdana Menteri kononnya Janji 100 Hari Pakatan Rayat tidak dapat dilaksanakan atas alasan negara tidak berkemampuan membuktikan lagi UMNO/BN berselindung di sebalik penguasaan media untuk memadamkan fakta. Maka memandangkan isu ini mendesak dan menyentuh kepentingan rakyat dan negara, kami syorkan diadakan satu debat terbuka.

Tuduhan beliau bahawa Janji 100 Hari Pakatan Rakyat akan menjadikan negara muflis adalah dangkal kerana hakikatnya, UMNO/BN yang berhutang setiap tahun sehingga hutang negara menggunung. Laporan Ketua Audit Negara yang dikeluarkan pada 25 Oktober 2010 memberi amaran bahawa nisbah hutang negara kepada KDNK telah melepasi paras 50% buat kali pertama dalam sejarah negara.

Hutang kerajaan Malaysia bagi tahun 2009 meningkat kepada RM362.39 billion atau 53.7% dari KDNK. Malapetaka ekonomi ini berlaku di bawah pentadbiran Perdana Menteri sekarang sebagai Menteri Kewangan. Dalam tahun 2010, kerajaan melancarkan 19 program menjual bon yang membabitkan hutang tambahan bernilai RM58.1 bilion.

Tabiat berhutang UMNO/BN akan diperhebatkan tahun ini. Pada 14 Disember 2010, Bank Negara Malaysia mengumumkan kerajaan akan menjual 29 bon tambahan dalam tahun 2011. Menurut anggaran Institut Penyelidikan RHB, penjualan 29 bon ini akan membabitkan hutang baru kerajaan persekutuan berjumlah RM83 bilion.

Makanya, alasan Perdana Menteri untuk menolak Janji 100 Hari Pakatan Rakyat perlu dikaji dengan berlatar belakangkan perkara-perkara ini. Malaysia sememangnya sedang menuju ke gerbang kemuflisan jika UMNO/BN terus berhutang sewenangnya seperti sekarang – tetapi ia bukanlah disebabkan oleh Janji 100 Hari Pakatan Rakyat. Malaysia akan muflis akibat ketagihan UMNO/BN kepada pembaziran dan rasuah yang berleluasa, demi mempertahankan sistem kroni kapitalisme yang didokong UMNO/BN.

Contoh-contoh pembaziran UMNO/BN sudah diketahui rakyat. Perdana Menteri terlampau taksub dengan bangunan 100 tingkat yang menelan belanja RM5 bilion, sedangkan isu perumahan mampu milik meruntun golongan berpendapatan rendah dan orang muda. Kerajaan UMNO/BN akan mengugut bahawa negara akan muflis setiap kali Pakatan Rakyat memperjuangkan imbuhan tambahan para guru, tetapi ia tidak rasa bersalah apabila meluluskan kontrak RM77 juta kepada APCO. Senarainya terlalu panjang untuk dihuraikan disini.

Oleh itu, tindakan pertama Kerajaan Pakatan Rakyat adalah melancarkan perang habis-habisan menentang rasuah di setiap peringkat, bermula dengan pemimpin-pemimpin kanan politik. Ini akan menyelamatkan RM28 bilion yang tiris dari Perbendaharaan setiap tahun akibat rasuah, seperti yang dianggarkan oleh Ketua Audit Negara.

Selepas itu, Kerajaan Pakatan Rakyat akan menstrukturkan semula sistem subsidi untuk memansuhkan subsidi korporat yang hanya mengkayakan beberapa kerat kroni. Jumlah RM19 bilion subsidi korporat yang ditanggung oleh PETRONAS untuk membayar IPP milik kroni akan dipulangkan kepada Perbendaharaan. Kita juga akan menyemak semula sistem konsesi toll untuk memansuhkan bayaran pampasan RM4 bilion setiap tahun yang kini ditanggung kerajaan.

Dua tindakan yang mudah ini akan memulangkan RM51 bilion kepada rakyat – lebih dari cukup untuk melaksanakan Janji 100 Hari Pakatan Rakyat yang jumlahnya hanyalah satu pertiga dari jumlah yang diselamatkan:

1.Imbuhan khas perguruan berjumlah RM500 sebulan menelan belanja RM3.2 bilion setahun.

2.Jaminan Pakatan Rakyat bahawa subsidi minyak akan dikekalkan untuk golongan berpendapatan rendah akan melibatkan penstrukturan semula sistem subsidi, supaya hanya golongan yang berkelayakan menikmati subsidi minyak. Kos subsidi di bawah sistem sebegini dianggarkan berjumlah RM4 bilion setiap tahun.

3.Kerajaan Pakatan Rakyat akan meneruskan subsidi gas memasak, berjumlah RM4 bilion setiap tahun.

4.Penstrukturan semula sistem tol di bawah PLUS dianggarkan menelan belanja RM23 bilion, berdasarkan harga pasaran yang ditawarkan oleh Khazanah dan KWSP. Kos tambahan yang perlu ditanggung kerajaan untuk mengambil alih operasi dari pemegang saham minoriti dianggarkan berjumlah RM8 bilion.

Justeru, jumlah dana yang diperlukan untuk melaksanakan Janji 100 Pakatan Rakyat hanyalah RM19.2 bilion; yakni sama dengan subsidi korporat yang diberikan kepada IPP milik kroni setiap tahun. Jumlah ini adalah terlampau sedikit berbanding RM51 bilion yang hilang setiap tahun akibat ketirisan dan rasuah demi memastikan kroni gembira dan bersenang-lenang.

Janji-janji lain seperti skim air percuma dan skim wi-fi percuma telah pun dilaksanakan di negeri-negeri Pakatan Rakyat. Kami telah membuktikan ia mampu dilaksanakan.

Oleh yang demikian, Perdana Menteri tidak boleh berdolak dalih lagi kenapa UMNO/BN tidak mahu melaksanakan Janji 100 Hari Pakatan Rakyat apabila rakyat tahu bahawa ia mampu dilaksanakan. Tabiat berhutang UMNO/BN yang membebankan generasi akan datang adalah sangat tidak bertanggungjawab, apatah lagi apabila wang yang dipinjam tidak dibelanjakan untuk rakyat.

DATO’ SERI ANWAR IBRAHIM
KETUA PEMBANGKANG
11 JANUARI 2011

PAKATAN ONLY NEEDS RM19 BILLION TO IMPLEMENT 100-DAY REFORM PROGRAMS

Prime Minister’s repudiation of Pakatan’s 100-day reform programs on financial ground will further highlight UMNO/BN’s reluctance to spend the national wealth for the people.

It is a bit presumptious for the Prime Minister to claim that Pakatan’s 100-day reform program will bankrupt the country, since it is UMNO/BN-led government that had borrowed excessively each year. The Auditor General’s Report released on 25 October 2010 cautioned Putrajaya that the national debt to GDP ratio has breached the 50% mark for the first time in our history.

Malaysia government’s debt for 2009 rose to RM362.39 billion or 53.7% of GDP. The level of national debt in fact worsens under the stewardship of the current Prime Minister. The government undertook 19 bond programmes with a combined value of RM58.1 billion in 2010.

On 14th December 2010 Bank Negara Malaysia announced that the government will launch 29 additional bond programmes in 2011. RHB Research Institute estimates that this will involve a combined value of RM83 billion of new debts to be undertaken by the Federal Government.

Therefore, the Prime Minister’s criticism in rejecting Pakatan’s 100-day reform program should be viewed in this perspective. Malaysia is en route to bankruptcy at the rate that it is raising debts to fund UMNO/BN’s addiction to wasteful spending and corruption that is endemic in the crony capitalism structure that it props.

The public is generally privy to such examples of excesses are well known to the people. Instead of providing homes to the poor and young people, the Prime Minister is more obsessed with his 100-storey tower costing RM5 billion. The UMNO leadership will scream bankruptcy each time Pakatan fights for better pay for the teachers, yet it has no qualms to pay RM77 million for a one year contract to APCO. The list is endless.

Thus, the first action of a Pakatan Federal government is to announce an all out war against corruption at all levels in the government, starting with the political leadership. This will save an amount of RM28 billion for the national treasury as estimated by the Auditor General, believed to have been lost each year due to corruption and leakages.

Next, a Pakatan Federal Government will restructure the national subsidy system to abolish corporate subsidies that had bled the people and enriched only a few cronies. The RM19 billion of subsidy to IPP borne by PETRONAS each year will be reverted to the national treasury. Similarly, we will undertake an overhaul of the toll concession system to return the RM4 billion’s worth of compensation paid to concessionaires back to the national treasury.

These two quick actions will yield an additional RM51 billion financial muscle for a Pakatan Federal Government to implement our 100-day reform programs, whose cost is only a third of the amount:

1. The new RM500 a month teaching allowance for teachers and educational officers will cost RM3.2 billion annually

2. Our guarantee that fuel subsidies will be maintained for lower income group will involve a restructuring of the subsidy system, so that only the lower income group enjoys fuel subsidy. The cost estimate for maintaining fuel subsidy under a restructured subsidy system is RM4 billion annually

3. Pakatan Federal Government will continue to subsidise LPG, at an estimated cost of RM4 billion annually

4. The restructuring of the toll system under PLUS is expected to cost RM23 billion, based on the current offer made by Khazanah and EPF. The additional cost to acquire minority shareholders is approximately RM8 billion.

The additional cost required to fund Pakatan’s 100-day programs is only RM19.2 billion, an amount equivalent to the existing corporate subsidies fed to IPPs each year. This is a pittance compared to the RM51 billion stolen from our national economy to keep the cronies afloat and fat.

The other people-centric programs such as free water and free wi-fi schemes have been implemented in Pakatan states. This has been proven to be viable and sustainable.

The onus is for the Prime Minister to come up with a complete explanation of his reluctance to implement these programs, when rakyat knows that we can afford it. It is utterly irresponsible to continue piling debts for future generations to bear but refuses to utilise the money for the welfare of the people.

DATO’ SERI ANWAR IBRAHIM
LEADER OF OPPOSITION
11 JANUARY 2011

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Program 12 – 16 Januari 2011

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Jadual 12 – 16 Januari:

Rabu 12 Jan : Mesyuarat Biro Politik

Khamis 13 Jan : Mesyuarat Pakatan, Persediaan program cabang di Kemaman

Jumaat 14 Jan : Ceramah kelompok di Ayer Jerneh dan Sri Bandi (Kemaman), Forum Subsidi dan Dialog dengan aktivis mahasiswa (Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall)

Sabtu 15 Jan : Mesyuarat MPN Terengganu, Temurapat Pimpinan/Aktivis Terengganu dengan DS Anwar Ibrahim, Hi Tea DS Anwar Ibrahim dengan rakyat (semua di Kemaman)

Ahad 16 Jan : Diskusi Buku Jingga dengan kepimpinan Cabang Gombak bersempena temurapat Cabang Gombak (Bentong), Mesyuarat Contact Group dengan NGOs